OASIS

Critical Analysis of the Regional Integration Processes of “Pan-Americanism” and “Pan-Europeanism”

Joaquín Pablo Reca — 2024-06-26

The present essay aims to provide a brief critical assessment of the so-called “pan” phenomena, particularly those related to the American continent (“Pan-Americanism”) and the European continent (“Pan- Europeanism”). With this in mind, and based on various authoritative voices regarding this matter, we will examine certain factors that have contributed to the formation of these “identity” processes (or “macro-communitarian”) throughout history. In this regard, it is illustrative to observe what happens with the notion of the “nation-state”, an element that will ultimately allow us to identify the “limitations” and “contradictions” that these regional movements under study may reflect, and thus to determine their degree of durability, if any, in our present times.

Regional Comprehensive Economic Association (RCEP): Background, Development and Perspectives

Cuitláhuac Oviedo Puente — 2024-06-26

In the last 20 years, since the beginning of the 21st century, the world has experienced greater globalization, an increase in trade and investment, and a decrease in tariffs between nations. However, during this period, three commercial economic blocs have emerged that can reorient globalization in a different way, with greater regional integration and the creation of tariff and non-tariff barriers between these blocs and, above all, against other nations that are not part of any of these three blocs.

The above can affect the development of international trade, globalization and world integration, especially in those nations that, as already mentioned, will have a lower capacity to attract foreign direct investment, improve their productivity and enter into global supply chains. Hence, the objective of this research is to analyze the impact generated by these three blocs, mainly the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), as well as a comparison of this bloc with the European Union (EU), as well as with the Treaty between Mexico, the United States and Canada (TMEC).

This research was carried out using a quantitative methodology, particularly through the descriptive method, which is based on collecting data and analysing it, in some cases, using statistics.

Likewise, this research is based on the approach of international economic relations, especially on the theory of “International Order and International Society”, where the recognition of nation states is proposed, emerging the concept of the International System, where there is a reciprocity of interests between nations.

((D)(E-)) Valuation of the EU’s “Moral Power” in the European Neighbourhood (Policy) (ENP)

Syuzanna Vasilyan — 2024-06-26

Driven by the New Cold War between Rusia and the West since 2014, this article draws on moral theory hinging on the conceptual framework of ‘moral power’ theo- retically proceeding from ‘civilian’/‘normative’/’ethical’ ‘power Europe’. These are applied to the European Neighbourhood (Policy) (ENP) as a prime test case composed of atomised case studies on a geographic terrain characterised by political, security, economic, etc. turmoil.

Ontologically, the article bridges neorealism, constructivism, and critical theory to explain the latest developments in the EU’s political neighbourhood. Epistemo- logically, it relies on the outside/in, bot- tom-up, inbound/outbound trajectories to grasp the local dynamics, regional interplay and the global context. Methodologically, it carries out qualitative discourse and quantitative content-analysis transcending from the ‘pragmatic’ and ‘narrative’ turns to interpretivism.

This article a) demonstrates the theoretical convalescence from the ‘normative power Europe’ (NPE) To ‘moral power’ de- constructing NPE’S core and minor norms and b) anatomises the ENP through the seven ‘parameters’ of ‘morality’, namely, consequentialism, coherence, consistency, balance between values and interests, normative steadiness, inclusiveness and external legitimacy, and the relevant type of ‘power’, i.e. ‘potential’, ‘actual’, and ‘actualised’. Thereby it ‘constructs’ a pyramid compartmentalising the EU’s norms in line with purported objective morality, relative ethics and subjective normativity. Ultimately, beyond realpolitik, the article shows depletion of the NPE, which induces (de-) valuation of the EU’s ‘moral power’ through ‘normative digressions’ – corrosion, derogation, deviation, perversion, erosion, conversion, subversion in tandem with ‘moral distortions’ – morally utilitarian, unmoral, anti-moral, amoral, immoral, non-moral, and moralist.

Brazilian Foreign Policy towards Colombia and Venezuela during the Lula da Silva Administrations (2003-2010): Convergences and Divergences under the Perspective of Neo- Developmentalism

Mateus Webber Matos — 2024-06-26

Since 2003, the neoliberal paradigm has given way to neodevelopmentalist practices under the Lula da Silva administrations. The central question is: to what extent has Brazil’s neo-developmentalist strategy, conceived during the Lula da Silva administrations (2003-2010), affected the country’s relations with Colombia and Venezuela? The main objective is to analyze the relations between Brazil and these two countries in order to understand the Brazilian government’s stance towards two different ideologies, those of Colombian President Uribe and Venezuelan President Chávez. This is a qualitative study, based on official documents and supported by specialized academic literature. The results of this study indicate that, to a large extent, Brazil’s foreign policy has been largely pragmatic, but that in some cases there has been coordination and rejection of both models. Brazil’s neo-developmentalist strategy has been relatively successful when applied to its South American neighbors, particularly Colombia and Venezuela.

Melting sea ice, changing naval geopolitics: The impacts of climate change in the maritime delimitations in the Arctic and the challenges to the UNCLOS

Eduardo Ernesto Filippi — 2024-06-26

The Arctic, deeply affected by climate change, is experiencing a shrinking cryosphere in the Arctic Circle, seen by polar states as an economic and strategic opportunity. Although this “normality” has generated geopolitical challenges in the region, marked by cooperation since the Cold War, it is now transformed into conflict. Russia and Western states intensify military operations, accusing each other of military escalation. However, an underestimated aspect is the geopolitical assessment of melting ice and sea level rise, especially its impact on the low tide line and United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) regulations. This article discusses the results of sea level rise on the territorial and geopolitical aspects of the Arctic Ocean.

The Strategic Importance of the Territorial Disputes of the Chinese State in the South China Sea: A Geopolitical Approach from Nneoclassical Realism

Esteban Vidal Pérez — 2024-06-26

This article analyzes the relationship between geopolitical factors and the strategic significance of the Chinese state´s territorial disputes in the South China Sea. The study examines this relationship through the influence of geopolitical factors on the configuration of Chinese national strategy. To do so, it turns to neoclassical realism, addressing the interactions between external pressures and intervening variables at the unit level. In doing so, it analyzes how geopolitical factors shaped Chinese leaders’ perceptions of reality and their impact on their interpretation of certain events, such as the 1995 Taiwan Strait Crisis and the entry into force of the UNCLOS. The study argues that these events were perceived as threats to China and helped shape national strategy in maritime terms. As a result, China developed its naval power to control the South China Sea and establish its sphere of influence in order to become the hegemonic regional power. All of this meant the increase of its presence and assertiveness in the region, which proves the importance of its territorial disputes in this area.

Navigating borders and waters: India-China border disputes and the complexities of transboundary river management

Pintu Kumar Mahla — 2024-06-26

Border issues, such as sovereignty, territorial claims, and security, play a significant role in transboundary river management. Borders can act as physical barriers that impede cooperation and coordination, and disputes over ownership and control of river resources can exacerbate tensions and lead to conflicts. Transboundary river management is a complex and critical issue that has gained increasing attention in recent years. The management of rivers that cross international borders raises numerous challenges, including political, economic, social, and environmental concerns. Effective management requires the cooperation of all countries sharing the river basin, and it involves the development of legal and institutional frameworks that promote sustainable use, equitable sharing, and peaceful resolution of conflicts. This paper aims to explore the intricate relationship between India’s persistent border disputes with China and their far-reaching implications for the management of transboundary rivers. Their unresolved territorial disputes have profound implications for the shared river basins, such as the Brahmaputra Basin, and pose significant challenges to the implementation of effective transboundary river management strategies. Through an interdisciplinary examination of historical, geopolitical, and hydrological factors, this study sheds light on the multifaceted dimensions of India’s border disputes with China and elucidates their detrimental impacts on the use of transboundary river resources.

Hybrid governance, Violence, and Peace Agreement: an analysis of the North Triple Border Area: Colombia, Brazil, and Peru

Irene Cabrera Nossa — 2024-06-26

The article aims to discuss hybrid governance as part of a long-term peace project that began in 2016 and reaches the project of the government of Gustavo Petro, signed in the form of a law, based on the idea of a pact, or truce, which starts from a specific arrangement called “Paz Total”. Colombia’s border with Peru and Brazil is examined in order to understand the distribution and disputes of the Carolina-Ramírez Front, the First-Front, and the Border-Commandos (BC). Through a review of these groups’ interests and repertoires of violence, it is possible to distinguish three key clusters in the persistence of the armed conflict where these groups create social orders rivaling the peace objective of the current government. We propose to question how violence is regulated in these municipalities as a result of the established pact and the forms of hybrid governance, the latter understood as the juxtaposition of typical formal state governance, and local governance of a non-state nature. Following this objective, this research combines a geo-referencing of the presence of dissident groups in the Amazonian border and their violence through ArcGIS (Arc Geo-informatic System) software, the findings are supported by a review of secondary sources such as early warnings from the Ombudsman’s Office and press reviews. We intend to highlight the importance of understanding these two dimensions of violence regulation: a) in regions where there is a juxtaposition between the presence of ex-combatants and a hybrid governance mode practiced by non-state actors, and; b) the importance of the contextual dimension to discuss the invisible pacts that allow a certain mode of governance and possible peace.

“Secessionist Maroons who have asserted sovereignty”: Accompong Maroons and the Jamaican State today

Anna Kasafi Perkins — 2024-06-26

In 2021, on the election of a new chief – the youngest ever colonel at the age of 40–relations between the Accompong Maroons and the Jamaican Government soured. Under Chief Richard Currie, who describes himself as a government official and head of state, Accompong asserted sovereignty as the “Sovereign State of Accompong,” with Accompong Town as the capital of the Cockpit Country. The Maroons of the State of Accompong identify themselves as “heirs to the 1738 Treaty and Maroon Identification”, claiming descent from self-freed formerly enslaved West Africans and indigenous Amerindians. According to Chief Currie, “The earth is the lord and the fullness thereof. Our sovereignty is derived from the freedom of our lands, so whatever we do with our lands is of imperative value to our security as a people”. This declaration of sovereignty has led the Jamaican Government to declare that they do not recognise any “state within a state”. The Government, therefore, refuses to engage with or fund those communities that they have described as “Secessionist Maroons”. This case study situates the contemporary Maroons in the history of Jamaica and their current relationship to the Jamaican state. It explores, in particular, the contending notions of sovereignty which may lay behind the conflict between the “Sovereign State of Accompong” and the Jamaican State. Key to the conflict is the differences in meanings of the 1738 Treaty made by the “First Time Maroons,” who fought the British to a stand-still in the 18th Century, forcing them to come to terms with them. For Maroons today, the Treaty is eternal, while the now-independent Jamaican state sees it as abrogated. Therefore, is a rapprochement possible?

El populismo en América Central. La pieza que falta para comprender un fenómeno global

Manuel Alejandro Rayran Cortés — 2024-06-26

Presentación

Marília Souza Pimenta — 2024-06-26

From the 2015 “Migrant Crisis” to European Border Governance: The Case of Irregular Migration Control and Management Policies in Greece

Nikolas Kouloglou — 2024-06-26

As a result of the so-called “migrant crisis” which reached its peak in 2015, the external borders of the EU seem to be in an unprecedented, or at least historical, situation. The migration flows resulting from the various conflicts and politically unstable situations in the Near and Middle East have made the issue of migrant smuggling particularly salient. Since 2016, this has manifested itself in the creation of new dedicated institutions, such as the European Migrant Smuggling Centre (EMSC), but also in the intensification of the role and involvement of Europol and Frontex in this area.

Thus, beyond the lack of elements that finally allow us to objectify the impact of these public policies on the control of irregular migration, we lay the groundwork for an analysis of the political effects of migration control on public action and the model of governance that the latter conveys and supports.

In this proposal, we argue that this “crisis” highlights in an unprecedented way the links that exist between immigration and security policies, thus explaining the non-existence of emergency mechanisms for the management of irregular migration. Indeed, by focusing on the case of Greece–a country emblematically affected by this “crisis”–we will show that, while they succeed in reducing irregular migratory flows, they are ineffective in eliminating the smuggling networks, and that EU policies on smuggling reveal the constant reconfiguration of the exercise of political sovereignty, deepening the logics and dynamics of the externalisation of border control. The proposal is based on semi-structured interviews conducted in 2022 and early 2023 with Greek and European high-profile actors from the National Police, the Coast Guard, Europol and Frontex.

Colombia-Venezuela border: Securitisation of migration and Venezuela’s political crisis

Suzette A. Haughton — 2024-06-26

Colombia y Venezuela comparten una frontera geográfica de 1.274 millas. Aunque ambos países históricamente han tenido cruces fronterizos conflictivos, la naturaleza antagónica de la migración a través de las zonas fronterizas ha aumentado después de la actual crisis política interna de Venezuela. El artículo sostiene que el clima político de Venezuela ha llevado a una mayor securitización de la migración a través de la frontera entre Colombia y Venezuela. Apoya este argumento de tres maneras. En primer lugar, el artículo analiza la frontera tanto geográfica como creada por el hombre. También examina las similitudes y diferencias que existen a lo largo de la frontera colombo-venezolana. Los países comparten el mismo idioma, el español, que une a la región y a sus diversos pueblos con una historia compartida. Sin embargo, las diferencias socioeconómicas, ambientales y culturales amplían las líneas divisorias entre estas dos naciones.

En segundo lugar, el artículo explora las tendencias del cruce de fronteras (migración). El texto analiza más a fondo los efectos y las razones de tales cruces fronterizos. En tercer lugar, explica la teoría de la securitización y la utiliza para discutir cómo la frontera se ha vuelto cada vez más securitizada por actores locales e internacionales. Finalmente, el artículo considera un enfoque de des-seguridad de la migración transfronteriza. En este sentido, apoya una mayor cooperación bilateral, regional e internacional para abordar la difícil situación de las personas que cruzan la frontera y viven en regiones fronterizas.